Economic decline: Group tells Buhari to reshuffle cabinet
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This is WHY it is too early to give up on President Buhari
UPDATED: 3 HOURS AGO
VIEWS: 6356
Editor's note: President Muhammadu Buhari came to power partially on the promise to develop the economy to the point that it creates jobs for the teeming unemployed
However, with 19 months into his tenure many Nigerians have expressed disappointment in the way things are going.
Jideofor Adibe, in this piece for the Daily Trust, explains why it’s too early to stop supporting the president.
President Muhammadu Buhari
Apparently growing disillusionment
This piece was motivated by the apparently growing disillusionment with the Buhari government, especially on his handling of the economy. Many people, including some of the passionate Buharists, seem to have given up hope that the president would be the expected political messiah who would lead the country to the Promised Land. There are several signs of this disillusionment: the camp of the ‘wailing wailers’ appears to be growing and I receive far less threats and insults from ardent Buharists than I did a year ago whenever I disagree with the government’s policy options. There are also empirical data on the government’s performance, especially on the economy, which have rather been depressing. One tweet that trended recently on the social media compared the country before Buhari took over and since he has been on the saddle using a number of indices such as the exchange rate, GDP growth, rate of unemployment and price of fuel and pleaded with the President to just return the country to where it was before he took over. It was a very graphic pummelling of the government. The good thing is that the President is also increasingly acknowledging this disillusionment from the citizens and recently pleaded with Nigerians not to give up so quickly on his government. For instance, in his 2016, Eid-El-Maulud message, the president was quoted as saying: “As we use the memorable occasion of this celebration to reflect on our current challenges, I urge you not to lose faith in the ability of this administration to make a difference in the lives of our people.”
This piece supports the president’s argument that it is too early to give up on his government but from different theoretical premises. But why, you may ask, should a consistent critic of some of the government’s policy options turn around to ‘defend’ the regime at a time he should be feeling vindicated? Is it just to satisfy his contrarian impulses and inclinations?
I have always had deep respect for Buhari, especially his frugal ambience and famed honesty. However even before he became the APC’s presidential candidate, I was also among those who felt uncomfortable that no one seemed to know his views on several vital issues such as on education, foreign policy and even the economy. Given his mien and signature War Against Indiscipline (WAI) during his First Coming, most people expected that fighting corruption would be his comfort zone. Some of us however worried that he might turn his government into a one-story-line regime that would focus rigidly on the fight against corruption to the detriment of other challenges in the society or without pausing to weigh the unintended consequences of such a war or even bother to define what it means by ‘corruption’.
There are four main reasons why I believe it is too early to give up on the Buhari regime:
1. One, very early in his regime, Buhari’s militant supporters thought he could do no wrong. All sorts of myths were woven around him and anyone who dared to differ with the government’s policy options was harassed, labelled or intimidated by the uncritical supporters who appeared determined to enthrone group-think. With triumphalism masked in various guises, it was as if some of these self-appointed mind-guards were eager to trigger open class, regional and ethnic warfare. Now that reality has muffled their voices, an opportunity is created for more robust conversations around the government’s policy options. This could lead to better policies being formulated.
2. Two, the expectations that ushered Buhari to power were simply too high and unsustainable, with different people having different expectations of him. For some, he had a magic elixir that could make all the problems of the country disappear. Now that the expectations had swung the other side, the President is presented a golden opportunity to scale through the new low bar of expectations. For instance when Professor Attahiru Jega was appointed Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in June 2010, his credibility was hyped to the high-heavens. He added to this high expectation with several take-it-or-leave-it demands on the government as his conditions for guaranteeing free and fair election in 2011. He got virtually all he asked for to conduct what turned out to be the most expensive election in the country’s political history. However his first outing - conducting a senatorial election - was a disaster. He had to suspend the exercise mid-way, leading to doubts about his ability to conduct the election. Owing largely to this doubt, the moderate successes he achieved subsequently in those 2011 elections appeared exaggerated, with some people perceiving the 2011 election as the ‘freest and fairest’ in the country’s history. My feeling however is that his moderate successes in the conduct of those elections in 2011 were exaggerated by the low bar of expectations of him after he cancelled the senatorial elections mid-way. It was also helped by the extremely low bar of expectation set by Professor Maurice Iwu’s conduct of the 2007 elections. Buhari has a golden chance to scale the new low bar of expectations of him.
3. Three, there is a feeling that a new regime in countries like ours begin to find their bearing only after the first re-alignment of forces. It is thought that during the initial alignment after winning power, the President is usually a prisoner of the political IOUs he has to pay and of opportunistic new forces that managed to warm up to him after his victory. The belief is that reality would inevitably set in and triumph, leading to a realignment of political forces and the President re-thinking some of his initial policies and programmes. For instance Obasanjo, arguably the best the country has produced despite what one columnist called “his lack of grace” and numerous other shortcomings, did not really take charge of his government till about three years into his regime. Most of his accomplishments were during his second term in office. In this sense, the current crises in both the APC and the PDP are not abnormal and should be seen as the preludes to an inevitable re-alignment of political forces. It is possible that the re-alignment could throw up forces that could help the President become not just a statesman but also leave his footprints on the sands of time. In fact, for many of us, whether the Buhari regime performs well or not, will be determined by the character of the new forces that will emerge to eminence during the period of political re-alignment. That is why I believe we should begin to focus more on the character of any emerging political re-alignment involving the President.
4. Four, one of the fears about Buhari when he was a serial presidential candidate was that he was “inflexible”. Now we know that Buhari is actually very flexible. He has changed from being the chief apostle of a ‘command and control’ in economic matters to being a neo-liberal who favoured de-subsidization, de-regulation, devaluation and rolling back the state (policies he opposed vociferously during his First Coming). In other words, President Buhari has changed from one extreme of an ideological/philosophical spectrum to another. With the knowledge that Buhari is actually flexible (contrary to his stereotype), and with the voices of those who wanted to enthrone group-think muffled, we will now hope that in ensuing honest and open conversations about policy options, the President will be flexible enough to choose options that will be best for the country.
President Buhari and ex-president Obasanjo
Obasanjo’s conditions for supporting the new mega party
Former military Head of State and President Olusegun Obasanjo has played critical roles in installing every President of the country since he left office in 2007. Ironically he has also been displeased with each of the regimes he helped to mid-wife
Obasanjo was recently quoted as saying that his condition for supporting the rumoured plans to set up another mega political party was that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar should not be the flag bearer of the party.
Since Obasanjo seems to regret each of the choices he helped to foist on the nation after a while, I began to think whether Nigerians should be better off adopting the ‘Alan Greenspan formula’ whenever Obasanjo backs or opposes any candidate.
READ ALSO:
Alan Greenspan, the former Chairman of the Federal Reserve of the United States (the country’s equivalent of our Central Bank) from 1987 to 2006, once attributed part of his successes to the fact that he always did the opposite of what was recommended to him by the IMF/World Bank. Should Nigerians just oppose any candidate endorsed by Obasanjo and support anyone he opposes? Just thinking aloud!
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the editorial policy of Naij.com.
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Mobil to pay Lagos fishing communities for oil spillage
UPDATED: 3 HOURS AGO
VIEWS: 3084
Mobil Producing Nig. Ltd has been ordered by a Federal High Court to pay N10 billion to oil communities in Lagos over oil spillage.
The plaintiffs had sought a declaration that the defendant’s continuing failure to clean the environment and restore the ecosystem of their lands and waters was against the law.
They noted that the region was favourable to the occupation and business and failure to clear the spillage was tantamount to violation of their right to life.
They also prayed for a declaration that the Plaintiffs whose representatives signed the release forms in favour of the defendant, carried out same by undue influence.
They argued that by such undue influence, the document is rendered null and void.
The plaintiffs “prayed the court to hold that the document purporting to release the defendant from effecting post-impact remediation programmes to restore the Plaintiffs’ environment is null and void.”
They asked the court order the defendant to clean up the environment and restore it to its original state.
They asked for the oil company to pay N8.4 billion with interest at the rate of 10% per annum from Jan. 26, 1998 until judgment was delivered.
They also sought payment of interest on the same rate until full payment by the defendant.
Justice Ibrahim Buba in his judgement agreed with the plaintiff and asked the oil company to pay the requested money but cancelled the interest.
Shehu Sani denies voting against Ibrahim Magu as EFCC chairman
UPDATED: 3 HOURS AGO
VIEWS: 6598
Senator Shehu Sani has dismissed a statement stating he voted against the acting Economic Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) chairman, Ibrahim Magu during the Senate's plenary session.
The Senator representing Kaduna Central in the Senate, on December Friday 16, took to his Facebook page to make a statement saying Magu is doing a good job as the Boss of the EFCC.
Read the statement below:
"Magu;my attention has been drawn to a fabricated,concocted,mischievously assembled statement credited to me by those opposed to Mr Magu,trying to use my name to strengthen their position.My personal opinion on this is simple;Magu is doing a good job as the Boss of the EFCC.All that is needed is the rule of law and fundamental human rights elements which need to be strongly observed by the commission,rule of law remains the most potent weapon in the fight against corruption.I remained respectfully bound by the majority position of the Senate on the issue, but wish to categorically and unambiguously state that I'm personally impressed with his performance."
Shehu Sani denies voting against Ibrahim Magu
Majority of the senators on Thursday, December 15, rejected President Muhammadu Buhari's nomination of Ibrahim Magu as the EFCC chairman based on the security report sent by the Department of State Service (DSS).
China may withhold $29.9b proposed loan to Nigeria
- China may withhold part of the $29.9 billion proposed loan to Nigeria
- The loan is partly what Nigeria hopes to finance its 2017 Budget
- China's stance is informed by a diplomatic row
A diplomatic row might affect Nigeria's hopes of getting the proposed $29.9 billion loan from the Chinese government.
China may withhold $29.9b proposed loan to Nigeria
The loan is part of Nigeria's plan to spend N7.298 trillion for its 2017 budget.
According to The Nation, the Chinese government is upset by the federal government’s diplomatic recognition of Taiwan as a sovereign nation.
The issue may also affect the implementation of the $80billion MoU between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and China.
The Chinese government reportedly raised the matter when President Muhammadu Buhari visited Beijing and the president was said to have assured his hosts that the issue will be addressed, but checks reveal that nothing concrete has been done.
Taiwan and its associated territories are regarded as a province of China, but the small nation have refused to concede to Chinese authorities.
Taiwan Marketing Mission had been operating as a full-fledged mission since the days of former President Goodluck Jonathan.
All efforts by the Chinese government to reverse the status have fallen on deaf ears.
Of the $29.9billion loan, the federal government’s share is $25.8billion, while state governments will have a $4.1billion facility.
The external borrowing plan is a three- year plan covering proposed projects for 2016 – 2018. As such, the borrowings will be phased over the three year period.
The borrowings are highly concessional (non-commercial), with low interest rates and long tenors.
A source quoted in the report said:“The Chinese government is now a bit reluctant to grant loans to Nigeria through its EximBank because of the issue of distrust between the two nations over Taiwan.
“The Chinese government is unhappy with the federal government that it is operating a two-China diplomatic policy. The government relates with China and Taiwan on equal basis.”
Meanwhile a government source said: “It is not correct to say that Nigeria is operating a two-China policy.
“I am aware that since February 10, 1971, Nigeria and the People’s Republic of China have established diplomatic ties and the issue of Taiwan had been carefully handled.
“In spite of the fact that Nigeria has a representative office in Taipei, Taiwan, the two nations agreed in 2005 that the PRC is the only legitimate government representing the whole of China and Taiwan is an unalienable part of its territory.
“We have not deviated from this agreement. If there is any infraction, the federal government has to investigate it thoroughly before taking a clear-cut position.”
Meanwhile, Nigeria and other developing countries lost about $16.3 trillion between 1980 and 2012, a report by Global Financial Integrity (GFI) has revealed.
The GFI, which is the Centre for Applied Research at the Norwegian School of Economics, worked with a consortium of global economic experts in Brazil, India, and Nigeria to publish the report, representing huge social costs borne by the citizens of affected countries around the world.
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2017 Nigerian Budget President Muhammadu Buhari’S Administration Nigeria Loans$29.9Billion Loan Buhari Loans
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